Showing posts with label Kurzarbeit. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Kurzarbeit. Show all posts

Wednesday, March 18, 2020

PANDEMIC | Avoiding Layoffs–Wage- or Work-Sharing

Automaker Shutdowns Raise Specter of
Mass Layoffs. How to Head Them Off?
March 19, 2020–The economic disaster threatened by the social distancing required by the COVID-19 pandemic could be exacerbated by widespread corporate layoffs. 

Yesterday, Ford Motor, General Motors and Fiat Chrysler Automobiles agreed to UAW demands to shut down North American plants to prevent the spread of the virus. They  suspended factory operations through the end of March. The closing of auto factories by U.S. automakers could be a sign of what is to come.

To reduce this threat of mass layoffs in the face of the pandemic, the United States might consider a program that has had some success in Europe. 

That is, to enact a Federal and State Wage Sharing program, by which the Federal Government pays for, say, 30 percent of worker salaries during the active period of the coronavirus. State governments could opt to pay for another 30 percent.

President Obama looked at this idea in 2014 but did not implement it. The U.S. Unemployment Insurance system is based on a person being totally laid off. The state unemployment insurance systems provides partial replacement income to such workers. The Austrian and German "short-time working" (Kurzarbeit) programs provide government assistance to workers to allow private employers in a recession to offer their employees a reduction in working hours and pay, in lieu of layoffs.

"Ich war dabei" means
"I was there."

The idea is that instead of laying off 30 percent of workers because orders are not coming in, all workers are retained and their hours are reduced instead of the headcount. The government wishes to avoid the cascading effect of layoffs, as workers without incomes stop spending money in their communities and may lose their work habits and skills, making it harder for companies to start up again in good times.  

The governments support this program by making up some of the difference in salary for the workers, with the possibility of providing full pay for fewer hours if employees are enrolled in training programs during their extra time off. The program offers these advantages:
  • The employer is better able to pursue a no-layoff policy by having to pay workers less.
  • For example, if the company was planning to lay off 30 percent of the workforce, the same saving might be achieved by shaving 30 percent off the workweek of 100 percent of employees.
  • Employees can use the time off to take training, take a vacation, or even pursue a long-postponed personal hobby or startup.
  • The government program makes up most or all of the pay loss by the workers. They are paid to stay home.
  • This benefits the country by sustaining the incomes of the workers, so that they don't have to cut back spending in their communities.
  • As a temporary measure, it benefits the business because it eliminates the cost of recruiting new workers when business picks up again.
  • It increases the morale and loyalty of workers to the company, and they are less likely to move away or apply to a competitor or change their occupation.
  • By keeping employees on the payroll, the skills of workers are maintained.  
The Austrian short-time program is arranged between the national Chamber of Commerce and the labor unions. They negotiate the types of staff to be covered, the maximum period, conditions for layoffs and the nature of any training programs that will be part of the program.

The German government's program in 2009 budgeted €5.1 billion to replace some of the lost income of over 1.4 million workers, i.e., approximately €3,600 per worker. The program was cited that year in a report by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) report, which said that the short-work program had saved nearly 500,000 jobs during the recession.

To recap, the advantages of the program are that it maintains worker skills and buys time for management to determine eventually (if the hard times continue) how many workers they can keep on their payrolls. It encourages managers to decide in favor of retaining workers, and thereby reduces the threat of widespread layoffs. For the duration of the COVID-19 disease, companies could envision a no-layoff policy.  This maintains the stability of corporate paychecks, community incomes and tax payments. By keeping together skilled work groups, it makes recovery easier. 

The program does not solve all the problems presented by the COVID-19 virus, of course. It does not address the problem of maintaining the incomes of those without jobs. It costs money, even if it is limited to the period of the COVID-19 disease. It is only for a short-term recession or a pandemic or a similar catastrophe. It would probably best be administered through state unemployment insurance programs.


Governor Cuomo has said that the numbers of infected people will peak in six weeks, based on the progress of the virus in other countries. So in a best-case scenario, payments in a wage-sharing program would continue for about 10 weeks. If recovery from the disease did not start by May or early June, the program might have to be extended or renewed.

Paul Krugman recommended the Kurzarbeit concept in 2010, noting that Germany's growth rate in GDP was slower than that of the United States, but its employment rate did not fall as much. The employment rate, or employment-to-population ratio, is a more reliable number than unemployment because it doesn't depend on subjective phone surveys of each household member's intent to find a job.

I wrote about the
Short-Time Working program (Kurzarbeit) in March 2014. This "Wage-Sharing" proposal is similar to the "Work-Sharing" program outlined in a June 2014 Brookings report, Encouraging Work Sharing to Reduce Unemployment, by Katharine G. Abraham (University of Maryland) and Susan N. Houseman (Upjohn Employment Institute). Wage-sharing looks at the spending side for corporations, providing government subsidies for the wages. Work-sharing looks at the arrangement from the perspective of the employees, i.e., sharing the cuts in factory work among all the workers. Two sides of the same coin. 


Abraham and Houseman proposed that the federal government subsidize state work-sharing payments during economic downturns. They suggested making work sharing a requirement for state unemployment insurance systems. They would modify federal requirements for state work-sharing plans that discourage employer participation. They also recommend providing states with adequate funding to administer work-sharing programs. Reportedly more than half of the states have work-sharing plans on the books but they lack adequate federal funding or interest among companies.



Friday, December 12, 2014

JOBS | "Nonemployment"

Data before the 1960s show the importance of women
 entering the workforce in far greater numbers. Fewer men
have worked since then. The departure from the workforce
 of many women since 2000 is a puzzle.
The New York Times series by its Upshot staff on "nonemployment" is another reminder of what a great newspaper can do to put in front of the public the data and research that a democratic society needs to make decisions about public policy.

I have posted at least four times on the subject in the last year and a half.

The term "nonemployed" appears to have been formally introduced in 1997 by two University of Chicago economists as a broader category of nonworking people than the unemployed. They aren't working but are self-described in surveys by the Census Bureau for the Bureau of Labor Statistics as currently available for work and actively looking within the four weeks prior to the survey.

Two articles in the Times series on nonemployment have appeared. The first, by David Leonhardt, introduces the topic and stresses "the Decline of Work" as the theme. The central number he puts in front of us is that back in the 1960s only 5 percent of men in their prime working years of 25 to 54 did not work. Today, the number has more than tripled, to 16 percent. Is this a terribly worrisome number?

  • Up till 2000, the relaxed response might have been: "Sure, relatively fewer men are working, but a far higher percentage of women are working, so that's the reason." It is natural that some men of prime work age might stay home to look after their elderly parents or children.
  • But, since 2000, the share of women who are working has also been declining. So it is fair to say that since 2000 "the Decline of Work" applies to the population as a whole. A team composed of the Times, the Kaiser Family Foundation and CBS has set about trying to find explanations of the decline through polling.

The second report in the series shows highlights from their findings, as reported by Gregor ("driven by data") Aisch and Josh Katz as well as David Leonhardt. For example:
  • Of men aged 25-54, 64 percent would like to have a job. 
  • But only 45 percent have been actively looking in the last year (a looser definition than that of the BLS, which wants to know if they have been looking in the prior four weeks).
  • In other words, about 30 percent of those nonemployed who say they would like to have a job have not looked for work within the prior year.
  • Why not? Well one reason is that one-third of the nonemployed have been convicted of a crime. Nearly half of the nonemployed say they suffer from a disability or from general health problems and 43 percent say that not being employed in itself is bad for their mental health.
An amazingly useful chart shows the nonemployed status in every county in the United States, shaded to show where the nonworking status is most prevalent. The numbers are more complete than the unemployment numbers of the BLS, which by definition covers only the "civilian noninstitutional" population. The BLS therefore excludes the military plus institutionalized populations such as those who are incarcerated, presumably because of the difficulties inherent in conducting random-sample surveys of such populations.

This chart should be pondered by every elected official in the United States.

The research brims with public-policy implications. It supports bipartisan efforts to reduce the sky-high U.S. incarceration rates and to lower the high barriers to re-entry in the job market resulting from licensing requirements that are not related to job performance. I believe it supports programs for more apprenticeships among younger workers and Kurzarbeit-type programs to keep older workers work-ready during a recession.

Surely not by coincidence, the Times editorializes in favor of Mayor de Blasio's plan to try to keep the mentally ill who do not pose a risk to others out of jail because 40 percent of the 11,000 people in jail in New York City are mentally ill - an increase from a few years ago when the figure was 25 percent. Many of the inmates were arrested and convicted of low-level crimes such as not paying a fare or trespassing. These mentally ill inmates are expensive to incarcerate because they stay twice as long as  other inmates since they find it harder to obtain bail.

The Times is making an important contribution to public policy formulation for our recovery from the Great Recession. As the economy picks up we will need workers and the sooner we identify the reasons why people are not working and address them, the better prepared we will be to put them to work.

However, I wish that the Times would help the public understand how the concept of nonemployment fits together with something that has been measured and reported regularly since the Full Employment Act was passed after World War II, namely the civilian employment-population ratio. This indicator, which is presented at the top of this post, pretty fairly presents the extent of the nonemployment problem over time, although it omits the institutional populations that bulk large in some parts of the country.

Friday, November 7, 2014

JOBS | Unemployment by Age Group–Two Problems

The story in the New York Times by Floyd Norris this morning, first published yesterday, warns about the unemployment data released this morning by the BLS. He says the unemployment data are complicated:
It is not simply a matter of whether a member of the household was working during the week covered by a monthly survey. Was a person without a job looking for work? If so, that person is counted as unemployed. If not, the person is deemed not to be in the labor force. Further questions are meant to determine if that person was not looking because he or she was discouraged about the chances of finding a job. If so, that person goes into a category that is included in a different indicator of unemployment.
I would like to illustrate his point with a look at a detailed table from today's release by the BLS, which is headlined by a 0.1 percentage point reduction of the unemployment rate to 5.8 percent - good news. The 5.8 percent rate is an average of all age groups. The rate is much lower, barely above 4 percent, for people who are 35 and over. It is much higher for young people under 25. Only for the 25-34 age group is the unemployment rate even a good approximation.

 Chart 1. Household Survey Unemployment Data by Age Group
From Table A-10, Selected unemployment indicators, seasonally adjusted
Age Group No. unemployed, '000 Unemployment rates, percent
Oct.
2013
Sept.
2014
Oct.
2014
Oct.
2013
June
2014
July
2014
Aug.
2014
Sept.
2014
Oct.
2014
Total, 16 years and over 11,140 9,262 8,995 7.2 6.1 6.2 6.1 5.9 5.8
16 to 17 years 471 395 459 23.8 23.3 23.1 23.7 20.9 22.2
18 to 19 years 788 741 634 21.1 19.3 18.8 17.8 19.8 16.8
20 to 24 years 1,909 1,785 1,654 12.2 10.5 11.3 10.6 11.4 10.5
25 to 34 years 2,426 2,101 2,126 7.2 6.5 6.6 6.9 6.2 6.2
35 to 44 years 1,857 1,410 1,439 5.7 4.7 4.8 4.8 4.3 4.4
45 to 54 years 2,005 1,401 1,360 5.9 4.2 4.2 4.3 4.1 4.0
55 years and over 1,813 1,332 1,384 5.4 4.4 4.5 4.6 3.9 4.1

What are we to make of this? The article by Floyd Norris points the way to explanations of the data that have policy implications.

The High Unemployment Rate among the Young. In a typical household, the respondent will be an older person, who will be worried about the self-sufficiency and marriage prospects of the younger members of the household. So of course the young people are looking for work. If they are not working, it is because the system is failing them and so they are unemployed.

I believe each household will be very focused on jobs for young members of the family. I therefore think we can trust the data for unemployment among young people.

The problem is that young people need to acquire work habits and skills. The Department of Labor is promoting apprenticeships to bridge the work-habit and skills gap for young people. As I have said before, I think this is a good program.

Questionable Data on the Elderly. For those 55 years and over, however, the issue is not skills but health, fatigue and inertia. Layoffs become permanent because older workers lose their skills during a long period of unemployment.

Respondents to the survey may be more indulgent if grandpa or grandma is unemployed. He or she may have an ailment that prevents them going to work. The savings of the grandparents may be inadequate for a comfortable retirement, but they aren't up to answering advertisements.They may show up under the "long-term unemployed" or "discouraged workers" but most likely they are counted as just not being in the labor force.

So they don't show up as unemployed, but they have valuable knowledge and would take a job if one was offered. What I am thinking is that the unemployment data are understated in the oldest age group and that a program that would parallel apprenticeship for the oldest workers would be useful.

Two public-policy implications of this come to mind:
  • To avoid losing large numbers of older workers in a downturn, the Federal Government should subsidize a kurzarbeit program whereby workers are put on shorter weeks rather than some of them being laid off. These preserves worker skills for the uptick in business.
  • A pro-active program for matching up skills with employers would be useful, focusing on the special needs of 55+ workers. The National Council on Aging highlights a program of the Taub Foundation that targets this issue.
Gender Differences

It used to be, a year ago, that the unemployment rate was higher for men than women.That number has flipped, and women are slightly more likely to be unemployed - except for the youngest (16-17) and oldest (55+) age groups.

The best predictor of a low unemployment rate is having a spouse in the house. Both men and women with a spouse around have an average unemployment rate below 4 percent,

Chart 2. Household Survey Unemployment Data by Age Group and Gender
Table A-10. Selected unemployment indicators, seasonally adjusted
Characteristic No. unemployed ('000) Unemployment rates, Percent
Oct.
2013
Sept.
2014
Oct.
2014
Oct.
2013
June
2014
July
2014
Aug.
2014
Sept.
2014
Oct.
2014








MEN, 16 years and over 6,171 4,872 4,638 7.5 6.3 6.2 6.2 5.9 5.6
16 to 17 years 224 199 259 23.3 26.6 25.7 25.5 21.4 25.2
18 to 19 years 500 419 312 25.3 21.1 20.5 19.9 22.3 16.5
20 to 24 years 1,111 1,034 842 13.7 11.7 12.5 11.5 12.6 10.3
25 to 34 years 1,360 1,055 1,106 7.5 6.6 6.5 6.6 5.7 6.0
35 to 44 years 998 685 720 5.7 4.5 4.8 4.9 3.9 4.1
45 to 54 years 1,073 715 658 6.0 4.1 3.8 4.3 4.0 3.7
55 years and over 991 725 767 5.6 4.9 4.3 4.4 4.0 4.2

WOMEN, 16 years and over 4,969 4,390 4,358 6.9 5.9 6.2 6.1 6.0 5.9
16 to 17 years 247 196 199 24.2 20.5 20.6 22.0 20.3 19.2
18 to 19 years 288 322 322 16.4 17.5 17.1 15.6 17.3 17.1
20 to 24 years 798 751 812 10.7 9.1 9.8 9.6 10.2 10.7
25 to 34 years 1,066 1,047 1,020 6.9 6.5 6.6 7.2 6.6 6.4
35 to 44 years 859 725 719 5.8 4.9 4.8 4.7 4.9 4.8
45 to 54 years 932 686 701 5.7 4.3 4.6 4.4 4.3 4.4
55 years and over 787 620 595 5.0 4.1 4.6 4.7 3.9 3.7

Married men, spouse present 2,046 1,302 1,360 4.5 3.4 3.4 3.3 2.9 3.0
Married women, spouse present 1,679 1,325 1,298 4.7 3.8 4.0 3.7 3.7 3.6