COVID-19 STATUS | U.S. Summary in One Table

April 5, 2020—The largest number of Americans have been suffering from the COVID-19 virus in eight states and the District of Columbia. As of April 4, the states were, in order of death rates: New York, New Jersey, Louisiana, Michigan, Connecticut, Washington, Vermont, Massachusetts. Their death rates all exceed the national average death rate to date of 2.6 per 100,000 population. The list of the worst-hit states underscores the role of social interaction in spreading the disease. New York City was the first big U.S. city to suffer from the pandemic, and its hospitals have quickly been overwhelmed by its spread. Governor Andrew Cuomo provides a daily briefing on his handling of the public health crisis.

Confirmed Cases and Deaths

Two main measures are being used to gauge the progress of the disease: confirmed cases and deaths. Both measures have built-in problems.

Confirmed cases provide an earlier estimate of the extent of the spread of the disease than deaths. It can take a week or more for symptoms to appear, and then it may take another week or more for recovery. Patients can be hospitalized for weeks before recovering or succumbing to the disease.

However, confirmed cases depend on the availability of testing equipment and personnel, and in the early days of the pandemic in the United States tests were in short supply.  

For this reason, a low rate of cases to population may simply mean that fewer people are being tested in a state rather than that the disease is not spreading in a state. For the same reason, the case fatality rate is a less reliable number than deaths relative to population.

Deaths by cause would seem to be a simple enough number to keep track of. In a democracy it is hard to hide a dead body for long. Deaths are closely observed and recorded and whistleblowers historically have not been, as in dictatorships, punished for speaking out. A cause of death must be listed. The course of the COVID-19 disease is easy enough to spot. There are in fact some problems with the data, but let's look first at the reported numbers.

New York State tops the ranked list of deaths per 100,000 population, with 18.3 recorded as of today. Within New York State, the most densely populated counties are suffering the most.

New Jersey and Louisiana both have half the severity of New York State, about 9 per 100,000. Michigan and Connecticut are 5 per 100,000. These numbers are rising daily.

As a comparison, the average number of deaths in the United States from traffic fatalities in a year is 12.4 per 100,000. (Note that the traffic fatalities number is the sum of events happening over a year's time, whereas we have only three months of pandemic data.) 

The overall U.S. death rate to date from the coronavirus is 2.6 per 100,000 population.

Issues with Cause of Death Data

Two kinds of issues with the data on death rates are emerging: 

• Underreporting of COVID-19 deaths. Some jurisdictions require that a test for the presence of the virus have been conducted in order to list it as a cause of death. So the absence of testing kits both lowers the number of cases and the number of deaths.
• Lack of data about victims. Even when the deaths are properly recorded, the hospitals or doctors signing the death certificates may be so pressed for time or staff that they are not recording demographic data about the victims. Ibram X. Kendi, in “Why Don’t We Know Who the Coronavirus Victims Are?” The Atlantic, April 1, 2020, suggests that African Americans are disproportionately the victims, but in many states we don't know. He asks why other states don't report this information—the problems including multiple illnesses and the lack of a test to prove that the victim had the virus; the coroner may be insisting on such proof (here is the Suffolk County, NY procedure for reporting a death). 

Who Are the Victims?

The evidence so far is that more blacks are victims than their proportion of the population, and men are much more likely to be victims than women.

Kendi cites data showing that African Americans are 14.6 percentof the Illinois population, but are 28 percent of confirmed cases of the coronavirus (Latinos, however, are a smaller percentage of deaths than in the population). An even more striking disparity has occurred in Milwaukee, where blacks account for 26 percent of the population but are half of the reported cases and 81 percent of deaths. In Michigan, blacks are 14 percent of the population but 41 percent of the victims.

Support for Masks, Shutdown

Support has been growing for closing meeting places like restaurants and wearing face masks in public. The support for these actions has bubbled up from the states rather than having been led from Washington. The White House at first did not give credence to the pandemic's arrival in the United States and then expressed concern about interfering with economic activity to slow the progress of the disease.

Among the top nine victims of the virus, blue states predominate. Some of the governors of these states have clashed with the President on getting support in the form of supplies, equipment or a national shutdown or mask-wearing policy. 

Democratic New York City and State, with more than 18 deaths per 100,000 population in the state, have supported closing public meeting places. Four other states and D.C. have Democratic leadership. These leaders of these states were early in supporting closing public places until the apex of the disease has passed and in calling for an immediate end to tariffs on medical supplies from China.

The other three states (Louisiana, Vermont and Massachusetts) are purple. Two have Republican governors and one has a Republican senator. Among the next nine states, ranked by death rates, three are red states and two are purple (Colorado and Pennsylvania).

In states with Republican or mixed party leadership, leaders have often appeared to wait for direction from the White House. This has sometimes led to disagreement between Republican Governors and Democratic Mayors over delays in locking down or advice on social distancing.

Note on Data: Confirmed cases and deaths by state are as of April 4, 2020 from the Johns Hopkins University Coronavirus website. A convenient tabular form of the JHU data was posted by The Guardian later on the same day. Total number of U.S. cases and deaths added by JT Marlin. Population data are from the U.S.Census Bureau, Population Division, Table 1. Annual Estimates of the Resident Population for the United States, Regions, States, and Puerto Rico: April 1, 2010 to July 1, 2019 (NST-EST2019-01), December 2019. The Census Bureau documents its estimation methods. Calculations of cases/population, deaths per 100,000 population and case fatality rates by JT Marlin.

UNIONS | Oct. 18–First American Trade Unions, 1648

Shoemakers at work.

Today in 1648, Boston shoemakers and "coopers" (barrel-makers) formed what are considered the first American trade unions.

The colonies had till then failed to import the English tradition of guilds, whereby craftsmen would band together to establish prices, quality standards, apprentice programs and charitable programs. The guilds in England also supported members who had retired or were beset by health or other challenges.

But these two 1648 quasi-guilds were limited to ensuring quality. The Massachusetts General Court prohibited "The Company of Shoomakers" from offering educational or charitable programs, or from fixing prices or settling disputes. 

More than a century later, the independence shown by the Boston shoemakers surfaced, as one of them has been credited with starting the Boston Tea Party.

The Philadelphia carpenter's union, formed some years after 1648, was more aggressive on behalf of its workers, and its printers and shoemakers were also aggressive at an early stage in the city's history. According to the History of Trade Unionism in the United States by Perlman and Selig: “The earliest recorded genuine labor strike in America, in 1786, was over wages paid to Philadelphia printers, who ‘turned out’ to demand a minimum wage of $6 per week." The second strike on record, in 1791, was also in Philadelphia, by house carpenters who struck for a ten-hour day.

In 1796 local shoemakers in Philadelphia organized the Federal Society of Journeymen Cordwainers (shoemakers working with Cordovan leather). Three years later the organization staged a 10-week, successful strike for higher wages, the first strike in the newcounry sanctioned by a union.

TECH | NYS Underperforms

How should one monitor the progress of a state's competitiveness in the stakes for future tech jobs?

One way is to look at the data for federal grants for Small Business Innovation Research (SBIR), which is a way to bring research dollars to a state at the same time as one is building a stable of ponies for future venture-capital bets.

New York City’s Silicon Alley (in conjunction with its more hardware-oriented cousin techspots up the Hudson Valley from Poughkeepsie to Albany and elsewhere in the state) likes to think of itself as #3 after Silicon Valley and Route 128, and a recent ITAC report seeks to make something out of the fact that in the total number of tech jobs, the NYC metro area ranks ahead even of Silicon Valley and Greater Boston. The sheer size of the NYC metro area is what seems to put NYC ahead on the ITAC count. It is certainly true that having a lot of tech jobs in the NYC area is important in creating critical mass for future innovation. But density of tech jobs is surely more important for creating an environment conducive to serendipity, and the other important ingredient is effective leadership from the governor's office.

These factors go a long way to explain why NY State performs so poorly on the number of SBIR awards in FY 2006. New York was in eighth place in FY 2005 as well, so the rank is not an accident of the year 2006. As expected by the conventional wisdom, California ranks #1 with 725 grants and Massachusetts is #2 with 466 grants. But between these two front-runners and NY State (with only 163 grants) are five interlopers: Virginia (221), Texas (176), Colorado (173), Maryland (169) and Ohio (167). The strength of Virginia and Maryland on this list could reflect the proximity of their Beltway components both to agency grant-makers and to the Army and Navy research labs. Texas may also have benefited from its having a former governor in the White House for nearly six years.

But Colorado and Ohio ranking higher than the Empire State? I was mystified and am grateful to my friend David Hochman for helping me understand why they are doing better than NY State. Colorado doesn't have aggressive tech programs at the state level but it has several large Commerce Department (NIST and NOAA) and DOE labs, and in addition, for a range of historic reasons a really vibrant (high-density) tech community around Boulder and Longmont. Ohio has not only the Air Force labs and a significant NASA Center but also an unusual state program called the "Third Frontier" Project, a.k.a. the Ohio Research Commercialization Grant Program (felicitously acronymed ORCGP). This program, which has no direct parallel in NY State, provides aggressive support for institutions attempting to obtain federal grants.

Between 2005 and 2006, Michigan (with Detroit in a near-depression status because of the decline of the U.S. auto industry) dropped off the top ten list and was replaced by Washington (home of Microsoft, 91 grants). In ninth place is Pennsylvania with 133 grants.

Since Governor Eliot Spitzer was not in charge in FY2006, these numbers do not reflect on his current administration. We can hope that New York moves up in the rankings in future.