Showing posts with label FOMC. Show all posts
Showing posts with label FOMC. Show all posts

Sunday, June 4, 2017

FOMC | Questions About Fed Models

Gov. Lael Brainard (top center) addressing the NYABE,
Cornell Club, NYC, May 30, 2017.
On Tuesday, Federal Reserve Board Governor Lael Brainard spoke to the New York Association for Business Economics. 

At the heart of the Federal Reserve System is the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC), which since the days of Ralph Young in the 1950s and 1960s has, as its primary task, engaged in carrying out open market operations in Treasury bills to influence interest rates.

The idea behind FOMC intervention in the marketplace is that the Fed can fine-tune the economy, by buying Treasury bills to inject cash and lower short-term interest rates, or by selling Treasurys to remove cash and raise interest rates. 

Lower interest rates create "easy money" and that is supposed to encourage investment. However, the Fed has been at the "zero bound" in its interest-rate targeting since its statement of December 16, 2008. I wrote a piece for Huffington Post  on January 17, 2009, that quoted former Fed Vice-Chair Laurence Meyer. Speaking to the New York Association for Business Economics, Meyer said that the FOMC could go on vacation "for the next two years" until it lifted off from its zero-bound policy.

It's been more than eight years now and the Fed's interest-rate target is still below 1 percent. A quarter-point increase is expected at the next FOMC meeting in mid-June.

The worry about raising interest rates is that it will discourage investment, and also that in the absence of inflation it is not necessary. 
A full table of reporters in the back.
Bloomberg, Dow-Jones...

It is a time when basic questions are being asked about the implicit model on which FOMC model is based. Is it possible that the model-builders have lost touch with the data on which the models are based? Is inflation understated, for example?

After the lunch I asked Gov. Brainard what she thought about this. Her answers were helpful:
Marlin: "When I was working at the Federal Reserve Board more than fifty years ago..."
Brainard: "Fifty!?"
Marlin: "Fifty, under Chairman William McChesney Martin. The prevailing faith then was that higher [but moderate] inflation would encourage demand, and lower interest rates would stimulate investment. Is this still the faith?"
Brainard: "I think we are less confident now than we were then."
Marlin: "Is that because of a new theory, or less faith in the data?"
Brainard: "It's not because of change in the theory. It's more a question of alternative views about the econometrics, rather than the data."
The data and econometric issues are related, because models use high-level aggregate averages. For example, "inflation targeting" at 2 percent per annum is based on a few overall-average price levels. The expansion of the money supply during and after 1933 is given full credit by Christina Romer for the stimulus to the economy that ended the Great Depression.

But what if average-price components move in different directions and then one of them changes direction? As the economy changes, the time horizons over which averages are computed may also need to change. Here are some charts from the "Fed Dashboard" of how prices have been diverging.

Similarly, both the slow response of the economy to massive new debt creation since 2008 and the zero-bound interest target from January 2009 raise questions about the Keynesian narrative in changed financial markets. The markets responded as predicted when short-term interest rates were hiked, but lowering rates to the zero bound did not spur investment as expected.

If the theory on which FOMC policies are based hasn't changed, and interest-rate and inflation-targeting policies based on the theory have not achieved their goals, doesn't that imply problems with the models or the data?

Related Posts: FDR Nullifies Gold Contracts . Glass-Steagall . FDR's First Fireside Chat

Sunday, November 8, 2015

CITYECONOMIST | 210K Pageviews

The CityEconomist blog has clicked past 210K page views.

Thank you for reading.

During the past month, the ten most-viewed posts are shown in the table below.




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Friday, November 6, 2015

FOMC | Jobs Soar, Rate Hike Likely, But *100%*?

Payroll jobs in October exceed prior
months and forecasts.
The BLS reported this morning that nonfarm payrolls rose 271,000 in October, with a slight drop in unemployment to 5 percent.

The payroll-job increase was well above the 185,000 increase forecast by economists who do that kind of thing (a foolhardy activity, since a forecast on Thursday will definitely be proven wrong on Friday).

Caution: There will be another jobs report in early December before the FOMC meets in mid-December. But Bill Gross says there is a "100% chance" that the FOMC raises rates in December, regardless of the December jobs report.

The October increase is exceeds the 137,000 increase in September and a similar number in August, and paves the way for a December increase in the federal funds rate, which would be the first such move since the zero-bound level set in December 2008.

The Fed Funds rate has been at the zero bound for 7 years.
In January 2009 I posted a comment on the December 16, 2008 decision by the FOMC after hearing from Laurence Meyer, former Vice Chairman of the Fed.

Meyer recommended that the Fed take a long vacation, but I am pretty sure he didn't mean a vacation that would last this long.

The average monthly job growth for the three months August-October is about 150,000, well below the 210,000 per month first-half-2015 average.

The potential for a rate rise has pumped up the dollar to one-month high against the British pound and a three-month high against the euro.

Here are links to the BLS data:
Total nonfarm payroll employment increased by 271,000 in October, and the unemployment rate was essentially unchanged at 5.0 percent. Job gains occurred in professional and business services, health care, retail trade, food services and drinking places, and construction.

Wednesday, October 28, 2015

FOMC | Committee Stands Pat

Jeffery Lacker, FRB Richmond
inflation hawk, voted again for
a rate increase, losing 9 to 1.
Today the Federal Open Market Committee voted to continue interest-rate policy at the zero-bound level, where it has been since 2008.

The sole vote against the decision was that of Jeffrey M. Lacker, President of the Federal Reserve Bank of Richmond, who would have preferred that the FOMC raise the target range for the federal funds rate by 25 basis points at this meeting. He had voted for a rate increase at the previous FOMC meeting.

The case for raising rates is that zero-bound interest policy makes it difficult for the Fed to encourage the economy should it take a turn for the worse, and unemployment rates are low by historical standards.

The majority view is that the FOMC has been charged since 1946 with steering between the twin dangers of inflation and unemployment. The inflation rate is below the Fed target of 2 percent and economic growth has been moderate by historical standards.

Meanwhile, the news from the Bureau of Labor Statistics this morning was that the September improvement in jobs was broadly based among metro areas.

The next meeting of the FOMC is in mid-December. The meeting will be informed by two more months' worth of new data on labor markets and other economic indicators.

Tuesday, October 20, 2015

FOMC | Will Fed Hawks Say Boo Next Week?

The FOMC can't do much to help the U.S. economy on Oct. 27-18.
All it can do is scare people. Early Halloween at the Fed?
The long stretch of zero-bound Fed policies since September 2008 must be giving some policy makers cabin fever.

The Federal funds rate (remember that?) was dropped to near zero after the Lehman crisis.

I was there when former Federal Reserve Board Vice Chairman Laurence (Larry) Meyer of Macroeconomic Advisers told the NY Association for Business Economics in December 2008 that the FOMC should take a long vacation - two years. (Till the Fed starts to crunch, they might as well be at lunch.)

Larry Meyer didn't have any idea that the vacation would have stretched from two to seven years. It's now past the end of the Biblical-bovine feast-and-famine cycle. (Is that why the Fed term is 14 years? One full cycle? Senator Carter Glass would know.)

As a Fed hawk when he was Vice Chairman, Meyer would doubtless be on the side of those calling for a rate increase at the FOMC meeting next Tuesday-Wednesday.

The BLS state job numbers for September (as usual coming out more than two weeks after  the national numbers) that were just released this morning show little change in unemployment rates over August.

Unemployment, based on the relatively small sample of households (it's a stretch to rely on them for month-to-month guidance, but you use what there is), shows 37 states and D.C. continuing to decline month over month, with six states registering an increase and seven no change.

A state unemployment-change diffusion index - which I have advocated someone track - would reduce the multiple numbers to a single one that could be usefully charted. Compared with September 2014, the state unemployment data for September show 41 states down, seven states up, and two states unchanged. Sepember's national jobless rate, which was released earlier this month and is seasonally adjusted, was unchanged from August at 5.1 percent; it was 0.8 percentage point lower than in September 2014.

The nonfarm payroll employment numbers are more interesting and they show weakness around the country. They decreased in 27 states, increased in 20 states and D.C. and are unchanged in three  states. The biggest losers by job count - the weakest states based on a count of payroll job losses - were Missouri, Pennsylvania and Michigan. The biggest winners were Texas, New York, and Georgia.

On a percentage basis, the biggest losers were Hawaii, Vermont and Wyoming and the biggest winners were Delaware and Kansas, and South Carolina.

Compared with the same month a year ago, nonfarm employment increased in 46 states and D.C.  and decreased in 4 states. The biggest winners are Utah, South Carolina, Idaho and Washington. The biggest losers are North Dakota, West Virginia, Wyoming and Alaska.

Thursday, October 1, 2015

JUNK BONDS | How "Terrifying" Should They Be? Notes for FOMC Meeting

Bears to be released from their
cages at the end of October?
On the one hand, some calm voices are reassuring us that the recent downturn in the stock market is historically followed by a recovery. Usually.

On the other, we hear concerns that the sky above the financial markets is about to fall. Junk bonds are viewed as "terrifying" because they have grown so fast in an environment of zero-bound Federal Reserve interest-rate policies.

The fear is that the second rates do start to go up catastrophe may be waiting. Although the expected increase has been continually postponed because the time is not ripe, we have been told that it is likely to happen before the end of 2015.
A zero-interest FOMC diet for bulls
is like spinach for Popeye.

What worries me is that so many people with money are focused intently on the coming rise in interest rates. It has been such a long, long time on Easy Street, when the market bears confined by the assurance provided by a zero-interest bank environment. The possible global market reaction to higher (i.e., positive real) Fed fund rates is scary.

Better a finger tip than an arm.
The Fed, which has been largely sidelined since 2008 by its need to provide liquidity to the panicked financial markets, will feel powerful again when it starts its next upward climb in interest rates.

I hope that, if the upward march of interest rates starts at the next FOMC meeting on October 27-28, the Fed begins with the smallest possible increase. Better a finger tip bitten off than a whole arm.

Wednesday, June 24, 2015

THE FED | Moral Hazard

Paul Volcker
Wall Street on Parade in recent years has been playing the role that the Pecora Committee played in 1933.

Ferdinand Pecora was hired as general counsel to the Senate Banking Committee to investigate the causes of the 1929 Crash. His hearings in 1933 revealed many practices that tilted the financial marketplace against small investors. He laid the groundwork of public opinion to ensure passage of the Securities Acts of 1933 and 1934.

In the process, the testimony that Pecora extracted injured the reputations of many Wall Street leaders and their friends. Some practices were illegal. Others were attacked with the benefit of hindsight, in the new light of the Crash of 1929. What seemed normal in 1929 had become unethical or unfair... and with the new laws would become illegal.

Today's installment of Wall Street on Parade by Pam Martens and Russ Martens looks at the Latin American financial crisis of the early 1980s and cites from the transcript of the FOMC meeting of June 30, 1982 to examine why the Fed approved a loan to Mexico of $700 million. Mexico owed U.S. banks $21.5 billion. The Fed bailed out Mexico to bail out the banks that had loaned money to Mexico.

In an interview published in the fall of 2013, Harvard Professor Martin Feldstein asked former Fed Chairman Paul Volcker whether the high interest rates of the early 1980s caused debt problems in emerging economies. Volcker responded that U.S. bank loans were of great concern to his predecessor as Fed Chairman in the 1970s:
Arthur Burns, to his credit, was the Paul Revere on this thing. He'd go around and make speeches: "This can't continue. ... We've got to do something about it." The borrowing continued until the winter [1981-82] when a couple of banks stopped lending. Mexico ran out of money. What do you do? [my emphasis]... The big US banks and some of the big foreign banks had more exposure to Latin America than they had capital. It wasn't something you could just say: "Okay, knock off the loans by 50 percent or something and everybody will be happy." They all would have been bust. You look for other approaches, and it took nearly a decade until Mr. Brady [Nicholas Brady, Treasury Secretary, 1988-1993] came along and settled them [Brady bonds replaced Latin American debt, paying lower rates or reducing the face value, but with greater certainty of repayment].  (Martin Feldstein, "An Interview with Paul Volcker, Journal of Economic Perspectives, 27:4, Fall 2013, pp. 112-113.)
Wall Street on Parade argues that the too-big-to-fail attitude, on view in 1982, was behind the Fed and Treasury response to the financial crisis of 2007-2009.

These issues go back to the earliest years of the Fed. Founded in 1913, the Fed published a statement of its policy intentions in 1924, in its Tenth Annual Report in 1924. It announced that it would seek to encourage "productive" loans and discourage "speculative" ones. As loans to purchase securities rose the following year, the Fed tightened money. Benjamin Strong in 1927 complained about the tightening. Concerns about productive lending were shelved that year in favor of expansionary monetary policy - the Fed purchased government securities to add to liquidity.

When the Fed tightened again in 1928, it created the disastrous crisis of 1929-30, and the expansion of 1927 was viewed as the root cause. When banks started to fail, the Fed often refused to lend to them. Not until April 1932 did it expand the money supply, and this ended by August. Julio Rotemberg, "Shifts in US Federal Reserve Goals and Tactics for Monetary Policy: A Role for Penitence?", Journal of Economic Perspectives, 27:4, Fall 2013, 67-69.

Thus a "too-big-to-fail" attitude emerged from the panics caused by a tough line on the banks in 1929-32, which was motivated by a reaction to the expansion of 1927. The "too-big-to-fail" idea creates moral hazard, as Wall Street on Parade notes. As long as that is not addressed, speculative lending will grow and the global financial structure remains shaky.

Wednesday, June 10, 2015

FED | Getting Ready to Start to Crunch.

Janet Yellen, Chair of the Federal Reserve Board.
When the Fed starts to crunch, it's time to go to lunch.

The FOMC meets next week. There is talk of moving out of the zero-bound zone. Scary.

Especially when it's been nearly seven years since the 2008 meltdown and there are young people on Wall Street who have never lived through such a crisis.

As Bernard Shaw said: "We learn from history that we learn nothing from history."

Federal Reserve Bank of New York William Dudley's understated ruminations about financial market challenges ahead ahead are being echoed more loudly and nervously elsewhere by comments and stories from:
The rest of this post provides a summary of the difficult options facing the Fed and the implications for financial markets by Risk Management Advisors LLC in their June Chartbook. I am grateful to Noralyn Marshall for sending this to me and for allowing me to excerpt here from her chart book.

The zero-bound interest-rate policy that the Fed has pursued and other central banks have echoed has helped in the seven years since 2008 to restore some financial stability, at the expense of huge debt and a loss of the usual tools of monetary policy.

Risk Management Advisors sums up the perilous situation as one dominated by global central bank policy. We know that

  • Risk assessment has been distorted by a sea of liquidity and very low policy rates. The reach for yield has favored weaker credits, longer durations, and equities.
  • Debt is higher than it would have been under normal conditions, despite knowing that the great recession was the result of a debt-fueled bubble.
  • Some people have assumed debt based on excessively optimistic interest rate assumptions.
  • Credit has been granted by those with little experience in evaluating and managing credit risk (crowd funding for example).
  • Volatility-based measures of risk are understating future volatility when the Fed no longer dampens it.
  • Boosting financial assets has widened the wealth gap. 
  • The major economies all face fiscal constraints. [And so do state and local governments.]
  • Central bank purchases have temporarily removed market risk from government financing and dramatically lowered its cost.
What we don’t know is how central banks in the US, Japan, EMU, and the UK will navigate out of their iron grip on markets and bloated balance sheets.

Tuesday, June 9, 2015

U.S. Monetary Policy - William Dudley, NYFRB

William C. Dudley, President and CEO, FRBNY
Remarks at the Economic Club of Minnesota’s June Luncheon, Minneapolis, June 5, 2015 on "The U.S. Economic and Monetary Outlook" by William C. Dudley, President and Chief Executive Officer, Federal Reserve Bank of NY:

Good morning.  It is a pleasure to be here in Minneapolis today and to have the chance to speak to all of you.  As chairman of the Economic Club of New York, I particularly appreciate the role that the Economic Club of Minneapolis has played in organizing this event.


In my remarks, I am going to focus on the economic outlook and the implications of that outlook for monetary policy.  Today, I come before you as the proverbial
 two-armed economist. [President Truman said: "Give me a one-handed economist! All my economists say, On the one hand on the other."- CityEconomist]
  • On one hand, the economy’s forward momentum has slowed sharply during the first half of the year and inflation remains below the level the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) views as consistent with price stability.  
  • On the other hand, I think it is also fair to say that we are still making progress towards our dual mandate objectives.  However, recent solid job gains and a further decline in the unemployment rate have occurred only because productivity growth has slowed markedly.
During the remainder of the year, I expect growth to pick up somewhat.  However, productivity growth will also likely rise.  So there remains some uncertainty about whether growth will be strong enough to lead to further improvement in the labor market.

With respect to inflation, as long as growth remains strong enough to lead to further improvement in labor market conditions—and this is an important caveat—I am becoming more confident that inflation will move up toward the FOMC’s 2 percent objective over the medium term.  The firming of inflation that I anticipate reflects my expectation that resource utilization will increase and the fact that some of the factors that have pulled down inflation, such as lower oil and gas prices and a firmer dollar, have already stabilized or partially reversed.

Putting this all together, I still think it is likely that conditions will be appropriate to begin monetary policy normalization later this year.  But the likelihood and timing will depend on the economic outlook, and that will be largely shaped by the incoming economic data.

When the FOMC begins to raise short-term interest rates, this will occur in a very different environment than in the past.  Reserves in the banking system are very plentiful, reflecting the large increase in the Federal Reserve’s balance sheet over the past few years.  But this circumstance should not adversely affect our ability to push the federal funds rate into a higher target range.  We have the appropriate tools to push up short-term interest rates.  However, lift-off may not go so smoothly in terms of the impact on financial asset prices.  After all, lift-off will represent a regime shift after more than six years at the zero lower bound.

More important for financial market asset prices than the precise timing of lift-off is the expected trajectory of short-term rates over the next few years following lift-off.  Most likely, this will be a shallow, upward path.  Because of the persistent headwinds associated with the recent financial crisis, the level of real short-term interest rates consistent with a neutral monetary policy seems considerably lower now than in the past.  And, if potential GDP growth is much lower—due to slower labor force growth and productivity growth—the long-run equilibrium real short-term rate is also likely to remain lower than normal in the future even after those headwinds fully dissipate.
But there must be considerable uncertainty about the path for short-term interest rates.  After all, the economic outlook is uncertain.  Moreover, the appropriate stance of monetary policy will be influenced by how financial market conditions respond to the Federal Reserve’s actions.  All else equal, if financial conditions tighten sharply, then we are likely to proceed more slowly.  In contrast, if financial conditions were not to tighten at all or only very little, then—assuming the economic outlook hadn’t changed significantly—we would likely have to move more quickly.  In the end, we will adjust the policy stance to support the financial market conditions that we deem are most consistent with our employment and inflation objectives.

As always, what I have to say today reflects my own views and not necessarily those of the FOMC or the Federal Reserve System.

The Economic Outlook

Turning first to the economic outlook, the real GDP growth rate appears to have slowed sharply during the first half of 2015.  Based on the revision we received last week, first-quarter real GDP fell by 0.7 percent at an annualized rate. Although most projections anticipate a pickup in growth to around 2 percent or slightly higher in the current quarter, there is little question that economic growth has slowed significantly from last year’s second-half pace.

As I see it, the contraction in GDP growth in the first quarter represents a mix of factors.  These include another unseasonably cold and snowy winter, a sharp contraction in oil and gas investment, a deterioration in the trade balance due—in large part—to the stronger dollar and sluggish foreign demand, and a slowdown in consumer spending growth after a very strong fourth quarter.

After adjusting for weather effects, I think seasonal adjustment issues probably also played some role.  For example, real defense spending has declined eight times in the past nine years in the first quarter, suggesting there is a seasonal adjustment issue.  But I judge that this has had only a modest effect on measured real GDP growth.

Because weather effects are by their nature temporary, the widely held expectation coming into the second quarter was that there would be a sharp rebound in growth similar to what took place last year. But current data suggests that the rebound has been relatively muted.  I think this is because some of the non-weather factors evident in the first quarter—such as the drag from the sharp drop in oil and gas investment—have persisted into the second quarter. 

Also, real disposable income growth has slowed over the past three months as aggregate hours worked have grown more slowly and crude oil and gasoline prices have partially recovered.  This means that the fundamentals for consumer spending are not as strong as they were at the beginning of the year.

1. Some of the forces that have been restraining growth are likely to fade later this year. For example, consider oil and gas investment.  The U.S. oil and gas rig count dropped precipitously during the first quarter, but the rate of decline has slowed during the current quarter.  Combined with the partial recovery in crude oil prices, this implies that oil and gas investment is likely to stabilize during the second half of the year.

2. Business fixed investment outside of oil and gas seems likely to advance, reflecting strong fundamentals.  For example, the cost of capital remains low and cash flows are high.

3. There is plenty of room for further gains in residential investment.  Housing starts have been running at an annual pace of only about one million so far this year.  This is low relative to both the rate of household formation that one would expect given underlying demographics and the rate of job formation.  Moreover, continued improvement in mortgage credit availability should support the demand for new housing.  Household credit worthiness is improving as the scars of the financial crisis heal, and underwriting standards may be relaxed somewhat in response to the excellent performance of recent mortgage vintages.

4. Household finances generally are in good shape with debt service burdens at historically low levels.  Nonetheless, household borrowing has been rising only very slowly, and the personal saving rate is somewhat elevated relative to what one would expect given the level of household net worth relative to income.  This suggests that if households become more confident about their finances, consumer spending should grow at least as fast as income growth over the remainder of the year.

But I can’t be completely confident about this forecast.  After all, several times during this expansion we have been fooled by sharp rises in the growth rate that appeared to presage a sustained pickup, but that subsequently proved fleeting.  Moreover, faster consumption growth is not a given.  It will depend, in part, on the pace of employment and wage growth. A downside risk is that wage growth remains subdued, which would undercut consumer spending. And, the trade sector looks likely to remain a drag on growth over the remainder of the year.  Although the dollar has depreciated slightly on a broad trade-weighted basis recently, it still is more than 10 percent higher than it was a year ago. 

Despite the sharp slowdown in growth evident during the first half of the year, we have seen continued job gains and further falls in unemployment so far this year.  Consequently, we still seem to be making progress toward our objective of maximum employment in a context of price stability. 

Today’s payroll and household employment reports indicate that this progress continued into May.  Even with a weak month in March, job gains this year have been averaging almost 220,000 per month.  The gain in May was even stronger at 280,000 and was widespread across industries.  Although the 12-month change in average hourly earnings is still low at 2.3 percent, it is a bit higher than we have seen in recent years.  At the same time, there is still some ways to go.  The unemployment rate has changed little in the past four months at about 5½ percent, with the levels of part-time workers for economic reasons, and long-duration unemployed, remaining elevated.

This combination of slow output growth and continued job gains has meant that productivity growth has been unusually weak, with non-farm business productivity declining significantly during the past two quarters and rising by only 0.3 percent over the past year.  It also implies that the future path of productivity growth will be important in determining the outlook for employment growth and the prospects for further progress in U.S. labor market conditions. 

Because it is unclear exactly why productivity growth has slowed recently, it is difficult to be confident about what it will do in the future.  One reading of the data is that some of the slowing seems likely to be persistent.  For instance, the weakness in capital spending evident during much of this economic expansion means that the contribution to productivity from capital deepening has dropped sharply in recent years.2  Also, the U.S. labor market appears to have become less dynamic—perhaps due, in part, to an older workforce.  Less movement of workers across jobs could lead to a less efficient allocation of workers’ skills, which would hurt productivity growth. 

That said, it seems unlikely that productivity growth will remain as weak as it has been over the past year.  There is considerable evidence that technological progress continues at a healthy pace.  Just look at the advances that have occurred in health care, oil and gas extraction and the development of smartphones.  Moreover, because it takes time for technological advances to be adopted broadly throughout the economy, it seems unlikely that the productivity gains from recent innovations have yet been fully realized. 

Because I am uncertain about the near-term trends of GDP growth and productivity growth, I am also uncertain about whether we will see further progress in the labor market over the remainder of the year.  There are many possible outcomes to consider.  For example, if real GDP growth were to pick up more than productivity growth, then employment growth would likely remain sufficiently firm to lead to further tightening of the U.S. labor market.  But, if the reverse occurs, then payroll gains could slow even as GDP growth strengthens.  

In contrast to my uncertainties about growth and the labor market, I am becoming more confident that inflation will return to our 2 percent objective over the medium term, as long as the labor market continues to improve—an important caveat.  The reasons here are straightforward.

1. A number of factors that threaten to keep inflation below our 2 percent objective appear to be transitory.  In this camp, I put the sharp decline in oil and gasoline prices that began in mid-2014, and the weakness we have seen in nonpetroleum import prices due to the strength in the dollar.  When the effects of these transitory influences wane, inflation will begin to move closer to our 2 percent objective for the personal consumption expenditures deflator. 

2. The tightening of the labor market may soon lead to some strengthening in the labor compensation trend.  Although the recent data are as a whole inconclusive, I find it noteworthy that the four-quarter change of the Employment Cost Index for all civilian workers, which I view as the most reliable indicator of labor cost trends, rose by 2.6 percent as of the first quarter of this year, up from around 2 percent in the first quarter of 2014.  Also, work done by my staff suggests that we are at that point in the labor market recovery where, in the past, we have typically seen a pickup in wage compensation.

3. The risk that inflation expectations, which are important in influencing inflation outcomes, might become unanchored to the downside seems to have diminished.  In particular, anxieties created by the decline in breakeven inflation compensation measures based on the relative yields of nominal Treasuries versus TIPs have lessened.  For example, the 5-year forward, 5-year inflation compensation measure has climbed by about 25 basis points from its low point in late January.3  

Implications for Monetary Policy

So what are the implications of the economic outlook for U.S. monetary policy?  As the FOMC noted in its most recent statement in late April, the Committee is looking for two conditions to be satisfied for the normalization of monetary policy to start: “further improvement in the labor market” and that the Committee “is reasonably confident” that inflation will return to the FOMC’s objective over the medium term.  I think these are reasonable criteria.

I would note that these criteria are not independent.  All else equal, for example, further improvement in the labor market should make one more confident about the inflation outlook.  But improvement in the labor market, while necessary, is not a sufficient condition.  For example, if labor market improvement were not accompanied by a meaningful uptick in wage compensation and if inflation expectations also fell, then one likely would not be reasonably confident about inflation returning to 2 percent over the medium term. 

For me, at present, the uncertainties rest more on the outlook of the labor market.  If the labor market continues to improve and inflation expectations remain well-anchored, then I would expect—in the absence of some dark cloud gathering over the growth outlook—to support a decision to begin normalizing monetary policy later this year.

When the normalization process starts and we raise the target range for the federal funds rate, what should we anticipate?  I anticipate a smooth lift-off in terms of the ability of the FOMC to push the federal funds rate up into a higher range.  Less clear is what the financial market reaction will be.  Will it be more like the turbulent taper tantrum of 2013 in response to Chairman Bernanke’s remarks that we might at some point begin to taper our asset purchases, or the benign response when the FOMC actually tapered in 2014?  Let me consider these two issues in turn. 
  • I am very confident that the Federal Reserve has the tools in place to ensure that the FOMC can successfully raise the federal funds rate into a new, higher target range when the time comes to do so.  This reflects several factors.  Most importantly, we have demonstrated that the interest rate paid on banks’ reserve balances (IOER)—which is our primary tool to raise the federal funds rate target—and daily overnight reverse repo (ON RRP) operations—which is a supplementary tool to help put a floor under money market rates—have been effective in keeping the federal funds rate well within the FOMC’s desired target range.  Moreover, in the unlikely event that the rates we initially selected for the IOER and ON RRP were insufficient to move the federal funds rate into the desired range, we could alter the level of these rates and/or the spread between these rates so as to move the federal funds rate into the desired range.  Finally, we also have other tools, such as the Term Deposit Facility and term reverse repo that could be used if needed to help achieve the targeted range for the federal funds rate.  While I don’t expect that these tools will prove necessary, it is nice to have them available should we need to deal with unanticipated contingencies. 
  • How will financial markets react to the onset of normalization?  My own view is that there likely will be some turbulence.  After all, lift-off will represent a regime change after more than six years at the zero lower bound.  Recognizing this, we have a responsibility to minimize the amount of potential turbulence by communicating clearly in order to reduce uncertainty about conditions surrounding lift-off and the likely aftermath of lift-off.  This means being clear about what factors are important in driving the timing of lift-off.  However, this does not mean providing advance notice about precisely when lift-off will occur because the timing should depend on the incoming economic news and how this influences the economic outlook.  Instead, if you pay attention to the incoming economic news and listen to our assessment about how the outlook is evolving, then I think you will be able to judge for yourself when lift-off is likely. 
What also matters for financial asset prices is the likely post-lift-off trajectory of short-term rates over the medium- to longer-term. In fact, this should be more important than the particular month in which the normalization process starts.  On this score, I think it is hard to be precise about the expected path of short-term rates.  That is because it depends on two important factors: (1) how the economic outlook evolves, which depends, in part, on how loose or tight monetary policy actually is at a given level of short-term rates, and (2) how financial conditions broadly react to changes in the level of short-term rates.

My own view is that the upward trajectory of short-term rates is likely to be relatively shallow.  This reflects several factors.  

1. The lack of strong forward momentum in the economy despite the low level of short-term interest rates suggests that U.S. monetary policy is not as accommodative as one might think.  In particular, the lack of strong momentum suggests that the real equilibrium federal funds rate today is considerably lower than the 2 percent rate assumed in the standard Taylor Rule formulation.  Work done by my Federal Reserve colleagues, Thomas Laubach and John Williams, suggests that the so-called neutral real federal funds rate today may be close to zero.4  This presumably reflects still-persistent headwinds from the financial crisis, such as the constraints on mortgage credit availability to prospective borrowers with lower FICO scores.  

2. One might expect that it will still take additional time for these headwinds to fully subside.  This implies that the neutral short-term rate may be depressed for some time.  

3. My assessment is that the long-run equilibrium real federal funds rate is lower now than in the past, reflecting the likelihood that potential real GDP growth is lower due to slower growth of the labor force and more moderate productivity growth performance.

Another important factor that will affect the trajectory of short-term rates is how financial market conditions respond to a rise in short-term rates.  Monetary policy works on the economy through how it affects financial market conditions.  Economic conditions at any point in time warrant a particular set of financial market conditions so the FOMC can best achieve its objectives of maximum employment and price stability.  The FOMC chooses a policy stance to help support financial market conditions that will lead to economic outcomes consistent with its objectives. 

An important aspect of current financial market conditions is the very low bond term premia around the globe.  If a small rise in short-term rates were to lead to an abrupt increase in term premia and bond yields, resulting in a significant tightening in financial market conditions, then the Federal Reserve would likely move more slowly—all else equal.  As an example, consider the experience of the 1994-95 tightening cycle.  Bond yields rose sharply and the Federal Reserve tightened less than what was ultimately priced in by market participants.  Conversely, if term premia and bond yields were to remain low and the economic outlook suggested that financial conditions needed to be tighter and a rise in short-term rates did not generate this outcome, then the FOMC would likely need to raise short-term rates further than anticipated.  The 2004-07 tightening cycle might be a good example of this.  The FOMC ultimately pushed the federal funds rate up to a peak of 5.25 percent, in part, because the earlier rise in short-term rates was generally ineffective in tightening financial market conditions sufficiently over this period.5  

This means that there is uncertainty about the trajectory of short-term rates from two distinct sources: (1) the economic outlook and what setting of financial conditions this implies is appropriate, and (2) what setting of short rates is consistent with the financial market conditions that the FOMC is seeking to generate.  

This also suggests that market participants should be cautious in interpreting the Summary of Economic Projection “dot plots” that show the FOMC participants’ modal outlooks for the short-term rate trajectory.  If the participants were to provide confidence bands around their paths, they probably would be very wide because the economic outlook is uncertain and the linkage between the instrument of monetary policy—the federal funds rate target range—to financial market conditions is loose and variable.
  
In conclusion, I believe that the FOMC is continuing to make progress towards our dual mandate objectives.  However, I have become somewhat more uncertain about the growth outlook given the lack of a sharp rebound in economic activity in recent months from the weak first quarter.  With respect to inflation, as long as we see further improvement in the labor market and anchored longer-term inflation expectations, I am somewhat less worried that inflation will stay too low.  Thus, I continue to expect that monetary policy normalization is likely to begin later this year.

Longer-term, I expect that the trajectory of short-term interest rates after lift-off will likely be relatively shallow.  This is due, in part, to my reading that monetary policy today is not as accommodative as one might think judging just from the level of short-term rates.  But, the path will ultimately be determined by how the economic outlook evolves and how financial market conditions respond to monetary policy.  I expect that there will be many twists and turns in the road ahead.  As we make this journey, I will do my best to explain what I am seeing and how I think I might react as conditions change in the future. 

Thank you so much for your kind attention.  I would be happy to take a few questions.  

1 Jonathan McCarthy, Richard Peach, Paolo Pesenti and Joseph Tracy assisted in preparing these remarks.
2 For example, see Alan Blinder, “The Mystery of Declining Productivity Growth,” Wall Street Journal, May 14, 2015.
3The data on inflation compensation come from the Federal Reserve Board of Governors website at www.federalreserve.gov/econresdata/feds/2008/ and is based on Refet Gurkaynak, Brian Sack, and Jonathan Wright (2010), “The TIPS Yield Curve and Inflation Compensation,” American Economic Journal: Macroeconomics 2(1), 70-92.
4 Thomas Laubach and John Williams (2003), “Measuring the Natural Rate of Interest,” Review of Economics and Statistics 85(4), 1063-70. The FRBNY DSGE model also estimates that the natural rate of interest is currently close to zero. See Marco Del Negro, Marc Giannoni, Matthew Cocci, Sara Shahanaghi and Micah Smith, Why Are Interest Rates So Low? Liberty Street Economics blog, May 20, 2015.
5 With the benefit of hindsight, one could argue that the Federal Reserve should have raised short-term interest rates more aggressively over this period [i.e., the early part of 2004-2007 - CityEconomist].

Wednesday, October 29, 2014

FOMC | More Choices–Rip van Winkle Awakes

Oct. 29, 2014–What's the FOMC going to do today? A quick sampling of forecasts is that it will move away from QE3, its makeshift easy-money policy during the period of zero-bound interest rates.

I've been following the Fed since I worked there and at the FDIC five decades ago as a financial economist.

The latest week's Initial Unemployment Claims, which FRED (the wonderful database of the St. Louis Fed–thank you, James Bullard) graphs for us, has fallen to 283,000.

That's about to where it was briefly in 2000 before the dot-com bubble burst. Not since the early 1970s have initial claims been lower. This suggests inflation should be waiting to ambush us.

It's certainly taken a long time to get to this point. In January 2009, former Fed Governor and inflation hawk Laurence Meyer of Macroeconomic Advisers told a packed luncheon group sponsored by the New York Association for Business Economics that recovery was "at least 18 months away". He wasn't kidding.

Now, nearly six years later, we seem there. Unemployment is below the 6 percent threshold where the Fed historically (using the NAIRU) has started to worry about inflation.

However, wages have not kept pace, which shows slack in the labor market. And, as Paul Krugman reminds us, there are still no signs of overall inflation. (See graph - the Personal Consumption Expenditures chart shows the same pattern.)

So the Fed doves - Chair Janet Yellen, Gov. Daniel Tarullo, and Fed Bank Presidents William Dudley (NY), Charles Evans (Chicago) and Eric Rosengren (Boston) don't want to raise interest rates yet.

They point to the big mistake of FDR's economic policymaking in 1937, when interest rates were raised too soon. Wall Street has an adage: "When the Fed starts to crunch, it's time to go to lunch."

Fed hawks, however - Bank Presidents Richard Fisher (Dallas), Jeffrey Lacker (Richmond) and Charles Plosser (Philadelphia) - are concerned to stay ahead of the curve. They have their eyes on the 1970s when it seemed the Fed had lost control over prices because of the oil crisis... although former Fed Chair Paul Volcker proved in the early 1980s that if you closed your eyes to the temporary pain, the Fed can always dampen inflationary expectations.

At least in the coming months the FOMC will start getting back to the job it is familiar with, controlling T-bill interest rates through open market operations. A zero-bound interest context doesn't leave much latitude for policy options. Larry Meyer in 2009 even suggested, tongue in cheek, that  the FOMC take a long vacation. If they had followed his advice, they would just now be getting back to work. Like Washington Irving's Rip van Winkle, they may find it hard to settle back in to their traditional role after all these years.